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The Cultural Embeddedness of Arguments Raised as a Part of the Bulgarian Debate About the Ratification of the Istanbul Convention

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Abstract

The paper presents an analysis of the cultural embeddedness of arguments, raised as a part of the Bulgarian debate about the ratification of the Istanbul convention. The method I employed was the localization procedure of Generalized Argumentation theory. Through a qualitative analysis of empirical argumentation data, I identified arguments in favour of or against the ratification of the Istanbul convention. Information about the cultural background against which these arguments were raised, i.e. about Bulgarian culture, was gathered from the part of the ninth wave of the European Social Survey that used the Portrait Value Questionnaire—an instrument for measuring human values, based on Schwartz’s theory of human values. By establishing a certain relationship between the arguments and the cultural background information, I came to the conclusion that the debate between the proponents and the opponents of the ratification represented a conflict between the basic values of universalism and tradition, and more particularly, between the lower-order values of equality and respect for tradition.

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Data Availability

The data used was downloaded from https://www.europeansocialsurvey.org and https://parliament.bg.

Notes

  1. If a country signs a convention, this just means that it will consider ratifying the convention. Ratifying a convention, on the other hand, means implementing it into the laws of the country. It must also be noted that even though Turkey had originally ratified the Istanbul convention, on 1 July 2021 it eventually withdrew from it.

  2. In a survey by Gallup International, conducted between 2 and 9 February 2018, 19% of the respondents were in favour of the ratification, and 58% were against it. In another survey by Trend, conducted between 1 and 8 February 2018, 16% of the respondents were in favour of the ratification, and 46% were against it. Furthermore, the results from a study conducted by Media Metrics suggested that in 24.6% of the public comments related to the convention that were posted on Facebook or Twitter in January 2018, the convention was viewed in a positive light, whereas in 73.5% of the public comments the convention was viewed in a negative light.

  3. For a discussion of conductive arguments see for example Govier (2001, Chapter 12).

  4. Practically the same two variants of the scheme are also distinguished by Brun and Betz (2016) under the names ‘practical syllogism principle’ and ‘optimal choice principle’.

  5. However, since the Parliament are supposed to represent the Bulgarian people as a whole, we can say that goal G was not simply a goal of the Parliament, but a goal of the Bulgarian people as a whole.

  6. We have no reason to think that Bulgarians would not recognize as legitimate or reasonable other arguments that refer to the same goals, but are in favour of or against another course of action (not the ratification of the Istanbul convention). Thus, we can assume that each goal, identified in the empirical data corresponds to a broader expression rule, legislating the usage of an argument. If we use ‘A’ to designate some course of action and ‘G’—one of these goals, this expression rule can be formulated as follows. “In the context of a public debate, one can argue that A should be brought about, because it is a means of realizing G.” Such a “generalization” of the expression rules is the fifth step in the “expression analytic procedure”, proposed in Zhang (2020).

  7. Schwartz speaks of motivational goals, related to each basic value (Schwartz 1992, 2004). Each of the goals from the arguments in favour of or against the ratification of the convention might be considered to be such a motivational goal.

  8. In his articulation of the notion of value-based argumentation frameworks, Bench-Capon (2003) makes use of the idea of associating arguments with values, but his explanation of the relationship between the two does not go any further from saying that certain arguments promote certain values. In his later work with Atkinson (e.g. Atkinson et al. 2006; Atkinson and Bench-Capon 2007), values are no longer associated with arguments, but are considered to be a part of the arguments—incorporated in an argumentation scheme that is used as a basis for a model of practical reasoning.

  9. The idea of using the order of values as an indicator of an argument’s strength is also utilized in Bench-Capon (2003), but not preserved in the later model of practical reasoning (Atkinson et al. 2006; Atkinson and Bench-Capon 2007). The model of practical reasoning employs an understanding of values, according to which values do not vary in importance, and if values do not vary in importance, they cannot be ordered. It can be noted that the strength of the arguments in favour of or against the ratification also depended on factors that are different from the importance of the basic values associated with them. Such factors include the degree in which the realization of the given goal would promote the given values, the probability of the given goal being realized in case the convention was ratified, or respectively, not ratified, as well as certain circumstances at the time the arguments were raised (for example, the higher the level of violence against women at that time, the stronger the argument stating that the ratification is a means to decrease the level of violence against women). If the strength of an argument is understood in a broader sense as persuasiveness, then factors such as emotional appeal and repetition of the given argument also play a role. These factors, however, lie beyond the scope of the present inquiry. For the purposes of the present inquiry, it is sufficient to assume that the importance of the corresponding basic values is one of the factors on which the strength of the arguments depends.

  10. Initially, there was an eleventh basic value—spirituality—but it was dropped out of the model due to incompatibility with the empirical data.

  11. For convenience, each description is abbreviated with a code, consisting of several letters. The codes are taken from the original survey.

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Appendix

Appendix

Parts of the text of the Istanbul convention, considered by the opponents of the ratification to be problematic:

‘Gender’ shall mean the socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for women and men. (Article 3-c)

Parties shall take the necessary measures to promote changes in the social and cultural patterns of behaviour of women and men with a view to eradicating prejudices, customs, traditions and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority of women or on stereotyped roles for women and men. (Article 12-1)

Parties shall take, where appropriate, the necessary steps to include teaching material on issues such as equality between women and men, non-stereotyped gender roles, mutual respect, non-violent conflict resolution in interpersonal relationships, gender-based violence against women and the right to personal integrity, adapted to the evolving capacity of learners, in formal curricula and at all levels of education. (Article 14-1)

Parties shall ensure that a gender-sensitive interpretation is given to each of the Convention grounds and that where it is established that the persecution feared is for one or more of these grounds, applicants shall be granted refugee status according to the applicable relevant instruments. (Article 60-2)

The Group of experts on action against violence against women and domestic violence (hereinafter referred to as “GREVIO”) shall monitor the implementation of this Convention by the Parties. (Article 66-1)

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Valchev, H. The Cultural Embeddedness of Arguments Raised as a Part of the Bulgarian Debate About the Ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Argumentation 36, 177–202 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10503-021-09560-4

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