Abstract
Many French journalists and sociologists claim that for several years now activism has been experiencing major transformations. This chapter confronts this theory of activism’s mutation with data collected during three investigations into movements portrayed as iconic mutants: the mobilisations of precarious workers, the struggle led by artists with intermittent jobs (intermittents du spectacle) and the Réseau éducation sans frontières (“Education without borders network”), which supports undocumented migrant pupils. Four aspects of activist renewal are considered: repertoires of collective action, organisational devices, activist practices and the issues at stake in the mobilisations, especially in relation to politics. Though the theory of activism’s mutation is not confirmed by the data collected, the chapter stresses that this theory might nonetheless have the effect of a self-fulfilling prophecy thanks to the movements’ recruitment of highly educated young people.
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- 1.
Several disadvantaged groups who have been the object of activist mobilisations are designated by their lack of papers authorising their stay in France, of housing or of work. Since they frequently overlap and present many common demands, their protests have been brought together under the heading “mouvement des sans” (literally “movement of the lacking”).
- 2.
- 3.
The French “Supermarché de la Culture” is used to refer to very large retail outlets selling books, CDs, DVDs and so on.
- 4.
- 5.
“Such happenings shake up the classic game of protests” (Prolongeau 2009).
- 6.
The Césars are the prizes awarded each year to professionals in the film industry. The ceremony is broadcast live on television.
- 7.
Which, we may note in passing, runs counter to the denunciations of social movements’ unilateral subservience to the demands of the media : their relations are more of the order of transactions, the activists agreeing to provide the journalists with what they expect (“nice images”, soundbites, etc.) in exchange for an account of their action, and neither of the parties is fooled by the demands and constraints of the other.
- 8.
Salariés Précaires des Supermarchés de la Culture (Precarious Employees of the Culture Supermarkets), Intermittents du Spectacle (Temporary Entertainment-Industry Workers) and Défenseurs des Sans-Papiers (Defenders of the Sans-Papiers) all exhibit a high level of cultural capital , though this assumes contrasting forms (in the case of the former, e.g., this is not always objectified in a diploma).
- 9.
The New Employment Contract was a government measure intended to promote the employment of young workers through a contract that their employer could terminate quickly and without justification . It was denounced for making young employees’ working lives more precarious and was withdrawn by the government in 2006 following a substantial mobilisation .
- 10.
Also see Pleyers (2009).
- 11.
Solidaires is a trade union that brings together several recently-formed unions, often founded by former activists from older unions (in particular CFDT), which intends to develop a less bureaucratic and more interprofessional approach to union activity.
- 12.
Thus, the accent is placed on individual autonomy when it is proposed that “horizontal, flexible, RESF is every one [of us]”. This situation is favoured by the fact that the network supposedly has “neither a leader nor a spokesperson” (Merckx 2010, p. 16) .
- 13.
It is easy to see that “total” activism, thus conceived, is akin to the idea of “totalitarianism” and that its privileged incarnation is the Communist Party. Thus, this type of analysis revives analyses of the Communist Party as a “total institution” in the Goffmanian sense (Verdès-Leroux 1981).
- 14.
As for this director and singer: “I involved myself full-time in this struggle so, from May 2003 to May 2004, I didn’t get any money at all because I refused to ask for the RMI, so I sold my record collection, I sold my apartment, I bought my struggle, in some sense”.
- 15.
- 16.
The same diagnosis of a “refusal to enter into classical political organisation” can be found in the work of Florence Aubenas and Miguel Benasayag : “No formation as a party. Rejection of leaders. No ideology is held up as a standard, no text serves as a bible, no regime is described as the promised paradise” (2002, pp. 11–12).
- 17.
This law requires political parties to put forward a gender-balanced list of candidates at all elections.
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Mathieu, L. (2020). Is the “New Activism” Really New?. In: Frère, B., Jacquemain, M. (eds) Everyday Resistance. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18987-7_11
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